今期是本刊出版二十二週年，共二百六十四期。為我們作紀念的，不是廣告，不是酒會，而是兩單大新聞：美國總統大選和台灣前總統被捕。構成本期的兩大主題。這兩單新聞令人亦喜亦悲，不勝感慨。爆發波及全球的金融危機並在反恐戰爭中備受非議的美國，因黑人奧巴馬當選總統，顯示她民主制度的活力和復興價值，令全球人士為之振奮。相對應的是台灣前總統陳水扁因洗錢藏錢而被拘押。一個為台灣民主化作出卓越貢獻的民進黨，執政八年，其領袖又墮入金權政治的巢臼，凸顯台灣民主還沒有在制度上全面建立起來，針對官場貪腐惡習的陽光法案、選舉經費和政治獻金的監管，民主化二十年竟未形成一個如美國那樣的成熟法制，聖人上台也難免腐敗。虎視耽耽的親共力量趁機得勢也就可以想像。
因此，我們要略為更正一貫對台灣民主的歡呼，阿扁事件顯示，台灣民主走過的路是一次勇敢的開拓，也是一場悲壯的試驗，歡呼勝利還為時尚早。經過這次挫敗的教訓和聯共政策的不得人心，台灣民主制度的完善、不可逆轉及對中國的示範作用，我們沒有理由悲觀。
最近一位知名度很高的藝術家，賜電批評我們長期發表個別右派作家的文章。收到這種意見已不是第一次，我們也反覆檢討過編輯工作的得失。二十二年來，我們非常榮幸地見證了中國、香港、台灣和世界一系列重大事件。憑著良知和有限的判斷力，沉浸其中，面對挑戰，分享著一份新聞從業的苦與樂。除了促進中國的民主化的初衷未曾變過，最大的感觸是，當代政治問題的複雜性，使任何分析評論離開多元的包容的思維，就缺乏客觀的說服力。例如，當我們看到尚有百分之四十六的選民支持麥凱恩，就不能對共和黨的政策一筆抹煞。在台灣問題上分歧更為鮮明。一份嚴肅的媒體的責任，不僅要提供事實真相，也應該盡可能地提供不同的觀點，為的是尊重讀者的選擇與獨立思考。
再過兩年，就是辛亥革命一百週年。一個在亞洲首倡共和，建立民主的國家，竟然墮落成為全球最頑固的專制堡壘，這是中國的恥辱。現在海內外華人都在紀念中國改革開放三十年，但是，人們忘了過去三十年，全世界民主國家已達一百二十個，近五十個亞洲國家中也只有四個非民主國家。中國的經濟進步有目共睹，但是社會的貧富懸殊，遍地貪污腐敗、欺詐與黑暗，已接近爆炸性的地步，中共統治集團仍然日日笙歌，高唱和諧，一批食利的知識份子也在不遺餘力為專制塗脂抹粉。最近，當局處死了以非法手段反抗暴政的楊佳，引起網上一片抗議，這個強烈的警號，中共七千萬黨員應該作何反思？難道還不夠使你們醒悟？楊佳的暴力復仇和六四的廣場對抗，未必是民主的應有選擇，但官逼民反、逼上梁山卻是千古相傳的鐵律。
Driven to Revolt: On Our 22nd Anniversary
◎ Jin Zhong
This issue, no. 264, marks the 22nd anniversary of Open Magazine. We commemorate the anniversary, not with advertisements or a banquet, but with two pieces of big news: the US Presidential Election and the arrest of Taiwan's former President, the two main themes of this issue. These news items, one pleasant and the other regrettable, have caused quite a stir in people’s mind.
On the one hand, the news that Barack Obama has been elected the first black President of the United States has excited the whole world, as it shows the vitality of the country’s democratic system and a recovery of its credibility after being criticized over the credit debacle and its stance in the war against terror. On the other hand, former Taiwan President Chen Shui-bian has been formally arrested under allegations of corruption. In spite of the 8-year contribution the Democratic Progressive Party has made to Taiwan’s democratization, the party's leader has been mired in controversy over timocracy, which reflects that democracy has not been completely integrated into the system in Taiwan. Even though Taiwan has been in the process of democratization for two decades, along with sunshine laws to combat corruption and supervision of election finances and political contributions, it still has not developed a mature legal system like that of the US. It is hard for even the most pure-minded of incoming officials to avoid corruption. It can be anticipated that the Communist government will take full advantage of the incident.
As a result, we need to adjust our perspective on Taiwan’s democracy. As shown in Chen’s case, Taiwan’s road to democracy has been a brave exploration, and also a heroically tragic experiment. It is too early to hail it as a victory. We still have no reason for pessimism in light of this setback, given the unpopularity of the reunification policy, the maturity and irreversibility of Taiwan’s democratic system, and its demonstrative effect upon China.
Recently, a well-known artist called us and complained because we have long published articles by right-wing writers. This is in fact not the first time we have received such feedback, and we have reviewed our editorial policies again and again. Throughout the past 22 years, we have had the honor of bearing witness to a series of influential incidents in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan and the world. With our conscience and limited judgement, we have devoted ourselves to facing the challenges and sharing the bitter-sweet aspects of journalism. Our original aim of promoting the democratization of China has never changed. However, the complexity of today’s political issues drives any analysis and commentary away from tolerance and thus toward a lack of objectivity and conviction. Given that 46 percent of America's voters stood by John McCain, it makes no sense to reject the policies of the Republican Party. The difference on the Taiwan issues is even clearer. It is the responsibility of serious journalism not only to provide readers with the truth, but also with different viewpoints out of respect for their right to choice and independent thought.
In two more years we will see the centenary of the Xinhai Revolution. China, the first country to advocate the republican system and establish democracy in Asia, has now turned out to be the most entrenched autocracy in the world. What a shame. Today, all of China is celebrating the 30th anniversary of China’s economic reforms. People have forgotten, however, that in the past three decades, the number of democratic countries worldwide has reached 120, while only four of Asia's 50 countries are non-democratic. We all take note of China's rapid economic development, but uneven distribution of wealth and the prevalence of corruption and fraud have also increased to a shocking degree. Yet the CCP complacently talks of harmony, and its intellectual fellow-travelers devote their best efforts to glorifying its autocracy. Recently, when Yang Jia was executed for resisting despotism by unlawful means, voices of protest proliferated online. In the face of such a strong warning, how should members of the CCP reflect on their actions? Isn’t this an adequate wake-up call? Yang Jia’s violent revenge and the Tiananmen Square protests in 1989 may not be the ideal acts in a democracy, but it has always been the case that despotism drives people to revolt.
（2008-11-28）
Translated by Isabella Lam
