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Can China Produce a Yeltsin?
By Jin Zhong

Boris Yeltsin, the first popularly elected president of Russia, died of a heart attack on April 23. He was 76. The appraisal of this giant figure, who spanned two centuries and the transition from the Soviet Union to Russia, exhibits an interesting divergence of opinions. Western leaders and Chinese democrats almost all spoke highly of him for bringing a communist empire to an end, while many who voiced their opinions through pro-communist and pro-reunification media in Hong Kong and Taiwan gave him a Chinese communist-type ¡§three vs seven¡¨ assessment; that is, three portions of pros as against seven portions of cons, with the rational that Yeltsin failed in economic reform and caused a drastic drop in people¡¦s living standards. China¡¦s official comment affirmed his contributions in furthering Sino-Russian relations, but remained silent on other matters.
For Open Magazine, Yeltsin was undoubtedly a giant figure who rewrote Russian history. It is he who completed Russia¡¦s social transition from Khrushchev to Gorbachev, putting a decisive end to its tyranny and planned economy, and initiating Russia¡¦s new era of freedom and democracy. During his 10 years in power, he reformed the economy with shock therapy. Contrary to what leftists claim, the fact that Yeltsin changed premiers five times showed that he was neither a dreamer nor a defeatist. It is especially remarkable that he resigned voluntarily on the last day of the last century, transferring power to Putin, a man 20 years younger than he, proclaiming to the world that Russia should enter the new century under the leadership of a new and vital generation. He was only 68 and still had time left in his term. This clearly shows that Yeltsin was a statesman who took a magnanimous view of the future. His 1,000-word farewell speech is one of the most beautiful and touching literary works of the 20th century.
China¡¦s social transformation started almost 30 years ago. Although there has been significant progress in the economy, the political system and social ethics are worse than before. Apart from some window dressing to fool foreigners, the swindling and plundering of corrupt bureaucrats has become a way of life. Under the reign of a huge military-police force, the government stops at nothing. With no channel to address their miseries, the people can only survive in humiliation while hypocrisy and injustice in society keeps growing.
Chinese intellectuals have hoped that a Chinese-type Gorbachev or Yeltsin would emerge to change the situation, but year after year, they cry out in vain. The response from Zhongnanhai, the Chinese Kremlin, is exemplified by the words of politburo member Luo Gan: we must use iron hands to maintain stability with the ¡§three no-matter-whats,¡¨ or in plain language, to preserve the dictatorship and interests of the Communist Party.
Is it possible for a Yeltsin to emerge in China? Let us take a look at his background. He was born to a farming family. (His father was sent off to hard labor in the Soviet gulag for three years.) After graduating from an engineering institute with a degree in architecture, he joined the Communist Party in 1961, and gradually rose from his position as a regional Party secretary to Party secretary of Moscow, the national capital. During the Gorbachev¡¦s reforms, Yeltsin was a radical leader of the opposition, and he resigned from the party after a dispute with Gorbachev during the 28th Party plenum. During the coup launched by Party hardliners on August 19, 1991, Yeltsin, as president of the Russian Republic, stood atop a tank and gave his historic speech that, with the support of the people, brought the coup to an end. He then joined Gorbachev in announcing the dissolution of the Soviet Communist Party. Most of the republics under the Soviet Union chose independence, and the Soviet empire was relegated to history.
There is no shortage of cadres with similar family backgrounds and engineering training in the Chinese Communist system. However, the Soviet Union and China took widely divergent paths following the deaths of their respective dictators, Josef Stalin and Mao Zedong: Deng Xiaoping and the rest of the first generation of Chinese Communist patriarchs were opposed to political reform and prohibited criticism of their predecessor, but the Soviets did not refrain from either. Yeltsin was a product of the gradual reforms launched after the 20th Party plenum. China, however, apart from a brief period of political reform under Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang in the 1980s, has lapsed into a prolonged malaise that has become even more profound with time. In a country with historic and human factors so different from Russia¡¦s, the difficulty of identifying an era-setting person to launch new political reforms can only be imagined. (End)